Historical, Political and Social Context

So you've seen the videos of the youth in Natuashish huffing gas and you've taken a look at the population pyramids that suggest that Natuashish is a Third World community, but where did all of that come from? What is the political, historical and social context that created these conditions?

The first place to look would be at the very beginning, with the colonizing of North American and the creation of Canada as a nation state. European settlers dealt with the Natives in Canada as soon as they began exploring the continent and used them as a vital resource for survival, as well as trade. However, the goal of these settlers was to colonize Canada and primitive accumulation¹ began. The rights of Native Canadians were not even spoken of until approximately ten years after Confederation, when The Indian Act was signed in 1876 (Assembly of First Nations, n.d.). This act set out a number of limitations for Native people, particularly concerning was the forbidding of Native people to form political organizations or vote, the stripping of Native languages and spiritualities, and the institution of Residential Schools. 

The Confrontation of Micmac and European Civilizations

Credit: Vernon Gloade, artist 

Cover of The Confrontation of Micmac and European Culture by Daniel N. Paul, 1990

Luckily for the Innu of Natuashish, they did not have to endure residential schooling, or many of the restrictions that other Native communities faced, because they were not recognized as Status Indians until 2000 (Aboriginal Affairs and Northern Development Canada, 2007). However, this came with its own set of problems, as the Newfoundland government was considered responsible for the Innu people and the Innu had still suffered at the hands of colonizing settlers; The Innu had lost their traditional hunting grounds and been forced from their nomadic lifestyle to one of sedentary life in sub-standard houses built by the government. The Newfoundland government had forced the Innu people to move from the mainland, where hunting, fishing and a nomadic lifestyle was possible, to Utshimassit, an island which confined the Innu to a traditional Anglo-European village setting (The Innu Nation and the Mushuau Innu Band Council, 1995; p.35). All of this was done in the name of the Innu's benefit, as the Catholic missionaries had told the Innu that on the island they would have new houses with heating, water, and sewer facilities, as well as community buildings like a school, wharf, and store (Innu Nation et al., 1995; p.35). However, what was found on the island was a desolate community that alienated the Innu from their traditional way of life, and the way of life that had been provided for them was not as promised: houses made on a shoestring budget that were overcrowded, no running water, no heating, no hunting area and the food supplied was often spoiled or low quality, no garbage or waste facilities, no opportunities, and often isolation for most of the year when the ice melted or was unstable (Innu Nation et al., 1995; p.32-41). On top of that, there was almost no budget for social services, no jobs to be found, only one school and the education was taught entirely in English by teachers not certified in ESL² as well as a easy access to alcohol and drugs.

The Innu People: Caught Between Two Worlds
Publishing Sepia, Museum of Man, 1995
Retrieved from http://www.la-belle-saga.com/t8602-les-innus

One of the catalysts for the movement and aid of the Innu people occurred in 1992, when a house fire devastated the community and the lives of 6 youth were lost. The cause of the fire was attributed to a number of different factors: alcohol abuse, lack of firefighting services, poverty and the poor building practices used to build the houses. The fire could have been started in a number of ways, but of particular importance is the poor construction of the houses that featured very little insulation and had no heating, therefore requiring the use of hot plates and other unsafe practices to keep them warm (Innu Nation et al., 1995; p.9-11). The wiring in the houses was also recognized as being done poorly. Of specific concern to me is the fact that the community was placed on an island with absolutely no materials for the use of fighting fires. Store workers in the community, after the fire, said, "We have firefighters in the community but they don't have anything to use for fire equipment. This is crazy, having firefighters with no equipment and no water. When we lost those 6 children, there was nothing the firefighters could do." (Innu Nation et al., 1995; p.11). The death of these 6 children can easily be traced back to the colonizing and disenfranchisement of the Innu, parallel to the colonization of Native Canadians recognized under the Indian Act.

An Innu child's portrayal of the 1992 fire in Utshimassit
Gathering Voices: Finding Strength to Help Our Children, pg.14

At the end of this, the Innu are often seen as being victims of being not registered under the Indian Act, while other Native groups are seen as being victims of being registered. The paradox comes from the fact that the Indian Act allots funding and opportunities for self-governance for Status Indians; while the Innu did not suffer at the patriarchal and disenfranchising piece of legislation, they did suffer  from the lack of funding that the other groups received. They also had their own unique experiences of colonization and disenfranchisement at the hands of the Newfoundland provincial government, and although they did have the right to vote, they were treated as substandard citizens and "others" in Newfoundland. 

The structural oppression of the Innu and the disintegration of their culture has been tragic. The state has effectively disenfranchised the Innu and benefited from it, while supporting the ideology that it is for the benefit of the Innu. It is this historical, political and social context that left the Innu void of tradition and engendered a sense of helplessness for the Innu people. In general, there is a tendency to point fingers at the Native people and blame their poor choices and moral fabric for the alcoholism, drug abuse, violence, truancy and suicide that occurs on Native reserves. However, the conditions that create poverty and the accompanying social disorganization are rarely analyzed. The challenge that lies in the future for Native communities is attempting to recover from centuries of structural oppression and dispossession. 



¹Primitive Accumulation: The process of accumulation through the dispossession of others, in this case it refers to the taking of Native land and resources for the purposes of the Canadian settlers.

²ESL: English as a Second Language. The majority of teachers for the Innu community have no knowledge of the native language.


References

Aboriginal Affairs and Northern Development Canada. (2007). Backgrounder: Labrador Innu Registration and Band Creation. Accessed at http://www.aadnc-aandc.gc.ca/eng/1100100018926/1100100018927 on November 20, 2012.

Assembly of First Nations. (No date). Our Story. Accessed at http://www.afn.ca/index.php/en/about-afn/our-story on November 12, 2012.

The Innu Nation and Mushuau Innu Band Council. (1995). Gathering Voices: Finding Strength to Help Our Children. Vancouver, BC: Douglas & McIntyre Ltd.